Salient effects of lingering colonial pasts in Africa's technical and vocational education and training systems: A review of former French and British colonies

Theme 1: Historical structures of colonial TVET

Early colonial policies in both French and British colonies designed vocational tracks to produce clerks, artisans, and low-skilled laborers. These structures remain embedded in national curricula, curricula frameworks, and accreditation systems.

Theme 2: Structural impediments in TVET implementation

Implementation challenges, such as underfunded institutions, outdated equipment, and misaligned curricula, stem from the governance models and resource allocation mechanisms inherited from colonial regimes.

Theme 3: Persistent influence of colonial legacies on policy and resources

Even after gaining independence, formerly colonized countries often introduce policy reforms that reproduce colonial mindsets (e.g., centralized decision‐making or stigma against vocational training) that limit TVET's responsiveness to local labor market demands.

The following section of the study discusses the results from this synthesis and reports on the effects of colonial pasts on African vocational education systems. The analysis is categorized by country, highlighting both the origins of vocational education in the country, the purpose of the introduction of vocational education, and the researchers' argument on the extent to which such legacies can still explain the state of vocational education in the case under review. The analysis is then divided into the identified themes.

South Africa

In South Africa, vocational education was heavily influenced by the racial segregation laws that permeated the entire education system in the country. During apartheid, segregationist regulations severely impeded the ability of Black South Africans to acquire practical skills training (Christie, 1991). Following the implementation of the Bantu Education Act, from 1953 until 1994, vocational education was designed to prepare Black students for low-wage employment in mining and agriculture (Fleisch, 2008). The new administration assumed control of institutionalized organizations following the democratic transition in 1994. Despite the establishment of the National Qualifications Framework (1995) and the Further Education and Training (FET) Colleges Act (2006) to promote equity (Powell & McGrath, 2014), issues such as inadequate resources, social stigma, and racially disproportionate curricula persist. As a result, vocational education continues to struggle to develop "productive citizens" within the context of South Africa's advancing "skills revolution" (Fleisch, 2008; Makgato, 2020).

The institutionalized shallow skills development program continued until 1995. Post-apartheid reforms, such as the introduction of the National Qualifications Framework in 1995, and later through a higher education system by promulgating the FET Colleges Act (2006), sought to address these disparities and integrate vocational education into a unified education system (Powell & McGrath, 2014). From 1995 onwards, however, the lingering inequalities in South Africa persisted despite efforts to address these disparities and integrate vocational education into a unified education system. These persisting inequalities, limited resources, and the stigma associated with vocational training that to date is viewed as an inferior form of education remain significant barriers, and the failure of FET colleges to produce the productive citizens hoped for in South Africa's "skills revolution" (Powell & McGrath, 2014) has not made matters easier.

Continuous efforts are being made to modernize South Africa's education system and improve inclusivity, especially with regard to the curriculum being taught. The country's education system is gradually shifting toward modern skills development with emerging themes like the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), although progress remains uneven (Makgato, 2020). South Africa's battle with vocational education appears to not only be focused on dealing with the education system itself but also entangled in dismantling the colonial, apartheid-era systematic exclusion in industries that were preserved for the minorities that ruled the nation over time. These findings discuss only one such system, pointing to the difficulty of moving beyond legacy systems. The inequities of the colonial past, however, do not seem to account for the shortcomings in resource allocation and other sectors that, for over 30 years of democratic self-rule, have not reformed TVET in South Africa to the point that it can accommodate the rest of the youth populace that continue to struggle to attain this type of education.

Kenya

In Kenya, as was typical of most of the British colonies at the time, vocational education under British rule was mainly tied to the colonial government's need for a semi-skilled labor force primarily earmarked for plantations and other infrastructure projects (Amatsimbi, 2024). The colonial education system in Kenya, which was akin to that of apartheid-era South Africa, deliberately restricted Africans' access to advanced technical training, resulting in a semi-skilled workforce that perpetuated social and economic hierarchies (Bogonko, 1992a, 1992b). Much like other countries, post-independence Kenya sought to expand and diversify its vocational education system. Early evidence of this is found in Sessional Paper No. 1 of 1986, which emphasized vocational education as a means to drive industrialization. However, due to the policy development inefficiencies of several key actors, these stated goals did not receive adequate funding, and over time, vocational schools failed to update their curricula, which resulted in mismatched skills and the common social stigma towards vocational education (Afeti & Adubra, 2012).

A prominent feature of Kenya's TVET system is its overreliance on the production of purely basic horticulture- and agriculture-based skills. These trumped more productive skillsets that are required to diversify the economic productivity of the country. To date, the country struggles to introduce the industry-relevant skills and technological competencies required to transform the economy. However, from a contrarian perspective, the inability to modernize and adequately match vocational skills with changing landscapes in the labor market cannot summarily be tied to the colonial era alone. In reviewing the entire stagnation in reforming the education system and in particular vocational education in Kenya, it would not be prudent to ignore—for review purposes—the structural systems that have, for ages, dictated vocational education in the country.

Nigeria

Vocational education in Nigeria was largely instituted to supply artisans and technicians for colonial infrastructure projects (Fafunwa, 1974; Ikpe, 2010). Initial vocational education predominantly occurred in missionary institutions rather than in government schools. Such education concentrated on agriculture, woodworking, and tailoring (Nwagwu, 1976a, 1976b). Urevbu (1985) and Afeti and Adubra (2012) asserted that this structure was designed to cultivate an obedient workforce rather than to foster innovation. Consequently, Nigeria continued to prioritize low-skilled training above business education following its independence. This trend continues to persist despite the National Policy on Education introduced in 2014 (Adebisi, 2014; FME, 2021) advocating for a transformation in TVET. Colonial-era issues continue to hinder the effectiveness of TVET reforms because of outdated curricula, insufficient funding, and weak connections to the business sector (Allen, 2020; Fafunwa, 1974; Ikpe, 2010). Urevbu was one of the earliest researchers to note that vocational education in the country was not necessarily aimed at fostering innovation; instead, it aimed to create a compliant labor force (Urevbu, 1985).

As a result of the strict reliance on producing a compliant labor force, Nigeria struggled to break free from its colonial legacy post-independence. Later scholars lamented the same, emphasizing that post-independence Nigeria continued to insist on producing low-skilled labor rather than fostering technological advancement and entrepreneurship (Oketch, 2007), a route that would support the burgeoning economic growth in the country, propelled by, among others, booms in oil drilling and other primary industries. Nigeria has made efforts to modernize its vocational education, including the introduction of the National Policy on Education (2014), which, among policies, aims to reorient the TVET system towards skill acquisition and self-reliance. However, the country suffers from cross-cutting issues that trump the effects of the colonial era. Nigeria's TVET system, like others across Africa, remains underfunded, with outdated curricula and a lack of industry partnerships, which hinders reform (Allen, 2020; Ikpe, 2010).

Ghana

The colonial vocational system in Ghana was established by the British mainly to train artisans, as in the Nigerian system. Another element was introduced in the Ghanaian system that included training personnel for clerks and administrative roles. However, these were also aimed at supporting agricultural exports (Lindsay, 1976; McWilliam & Kwamena-Poh, 1975). Other recent scholars have noted that vocational education evolved in Ghana to emphasize not only basic skills and competencies but also fostered innovation and entrepreneurship (McGrath et al., 2018). Despite initiatives such as the Education Strategic Plan (2010-2020), Ghana's capacity to modernize its TVET system and align it with evolving labor market demands remains obstructed by colonial legacies, including outdated infrastructure, insufficient industry connections, and persistent stigma (Aldossari, 2020) associated with studying vocational education instead of general education (Tagoe et al., 2022).

The Education Strategic Plan (2010-2020) became one of several policies implemented to modernize Ghana's TVET system since independence (Ansah et al., 2025). The strategic plan aims to prioritize technical education to address youth unemployment. However, despite these policy changes, researchers continue to observe that vocational education in Ghana faces challenges quite similar to those faced by other countries in Africa, such as outdated infrastructure, limited industry collaboration, and a lack of qualified instructors (Tagoe et al., 2022). Among the countries reviewed, Ghana appears to be a system in which vocational education during the colonial era, due to the economy's export-oriented nature propelled by cocoa cashew nuts and other products, may have forced the administrators of the time to include training influenced by these economic conditions. This remains useful in post-independence Ghana, at least to the degree to which the economy relies on these exports.

Zimbabwe

Vocational education in Zimbabwe, then known as Southern Rhodesia, was introduced by the colonial government to train a labor force for European-owned farms, mines, and factories (Nherera, 1994). Mirroring the apartheid system that prevailed in neighboring South Africa, students of African descent were restricted to basic technical skills, while advanced training was reserved for students of European descent (Zvobgo, 1996). Similar to Lesotho and Nigeria, the missionary schools in Zimbabwe were instrumental in providing vocational training. These schools largely emphasized vocational skills in agriculture and other domestic work to support the industries to which the colonial administrators were engaged.

Zimbabwe also sought to reform its vocational education system immediately after it attained its independence. Post-independence reforms, such as the Manpower Planning and Development Act (1984), were formulated to expand access to vocational training and align it with national development goals (Dube & Xie, 2018). In an ominous pattern, however, the Zimbabwean vocational education system remains constrained by inadequate funding, outdated equipment, and a lingering perception of vocational education as a second-tier form of education (Bhowa & Aribino, 2024; UNESCO, 2012). The elongated restrictions on natives' access to high-level technical skills have resulted in prolonged stagnation in the development of responsive policies and implementation to produce required technical skills to drive economic transformation. However, as in several reviewed systems across Africa, colonial linkages and systems alone cannot explain the lack of investment in policy development and, most importantly, responsive implementation and related research in such countries.

This study argues that Zimbabwe's colonial education structures, which existed in classed tiers, cannot be ignored in the analysis of why it remains difficult to accurately describe vocational education policy stagnation in the theoretical realm, taking into account the political and socio-economic settings that prevailed immediately after the country had gained its independence as well as the economic restrictions the country continues to experience as a result of attempted economic reforms. This study's contribution to this discourse is that resource allocation designs that fit previous education systems in particular—and the desire to continue familiar syllabuses in curricula that were carried within the former vocational education infrastructure—may manifest themselves in complex approaches and competing ideas among current policymakers. This phenomenon ultimately makes it difficult to draw a line between impasses of colonial legacies in approach and modern pragmatism of policy diffusion from successful systems. The enduring influence of colonial-era class stratification, coupled with the economic challenges of the country following its independence, accounts for the currently ongoing policy paralysis. Thus, resource distribution and curricular stagnation remain indicative of the strategies established in Southern Rhodesia (Bhowa & Aribino, 2024; UNESCO, 2012).

Vocational education systems across the reviewed systems in South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana, and Zimbabwe share strikingly common challenges rooted in their initial colonial histories. Frequent references to broader TVET systems have been made by researchers in each of these systems (Allais, 2020; McGrath et al., 2020a; Ngcwangu, 2015). These include references to inadequate funding, outdated curricula, and societal stigma against vocational education. Evidence of progress and attempts to modernize vocational education systems in these countries has been identified. Kenya and Ghana appear to have made significant efforts to more deeply integrate their vocational education systems into their national strategies. South Africa, on the other hand, places emphasis on inclusivity and skills for digital economies. Lastly, Nigeria and Zimbabwe prioritize reforms to enhance industry linkages and improve training quality.

Benin

Benin's education under colonial Dahomey was first imposed by France after 1892. This replaced indigenous Qur'anic and apprenticeship schools with a system designed to produce interpreters, clerks, and low-skill farm managers (Duke Bryant, 2020; Usuanlele, 2008). From 1903 onward, administrators adopted an "éducation adaptée" (adapted education) model that paired basic French literacy with agricultural and commercial training, which was done explicitly to staff colonial enterprises without extending French civil rights to African graduates (Duke Bryant, 2020). In 1913, the Cours normal indigène in Porto-Novo (referred to teacher-training schools for local students) formalized this approach by training assistant teachers alongside commercial and agricultural moniteurs.

Graduates in Benin were thus only prepared to take on subordinate roles in teaching, clerical work, or plantation oversight, thereby reinforcing the colonial labor hierarchy (Ndille & Litt, 2018). After Benin gained independence in 1960, the country's TVET framework remained narrowly focused on basic artisanal and agricultural skills, leading UNESCO to highlight the persistent misalignment between vocational curricula and modern economies (UNESCO, 1996). Recent calls for reform emphasize industry partnerships, competency-based curricula aligned to global standards, and the elevation of vocational pathways to parity with academic ones (Wantchekon et al., 2015).

Senegal

As France's earliest foothold in West Africa, Senegal saw the establishment of government-run French schools in Saint-Louis by 1817. These schools were primarily designed to train clerks and interpreters for the colonial administration. Missionary orders, especially the Holy Ghost Fathers, soon incorporated carpentry, masonry, and agricultural instruction in schools, marking the first structured vocational training for African youths (Duke Bryant, 2020). Rural "éducation adaptée" schools combined elementary French with craft and farm skills to produce compliant, semi-skilled workforces.

Simultaneously, the "hostage schools" of 1855 educated sons of chiefs in French customs. In this context, education was used for political control rather than genuine skill development. Indigenous apprenticeship guilds were undermined as French schooling monopolized vocational instruction (UNESCO, 1996). By the time Senegal became independent, an insufficient number of dedicated technical institutes existed, and colonial language and institutional legacies still hampered technical workforce readiness. The post-1970s TVET expansion in the country has established vocational lycées and instituts de formation (vocational high schools and training institutes); however, aligning curricula with industry demands and improving vocational prestige remain ongoing challenges.

Cameroon

Cameroon, originally a German colony from 1884, was partitioned into French and British mandates in 1916, creating dual educational regimes that lasted until 1961 (Gwanfogbe, 1995). In French Cameroun, assimilationist schools focused on language and civil-service preparation, with few écoles professionnelles (referred to professional or vocational schools) offering rudimentary trades (Ndille & Litt, 2018). In British Cameroon, missionary societies, most notably the Baptist Missionary Society, led vocational training through teacher-training courses and apprenticeships in carpentry and agriculture (Dupraz, 2017). After reunification, Cameroon inherited this bifurcated system and struggled to harmonize Anglophone apprenticeship strengths with Francophone academic norms (UNESCO, 1996). Current TVET reforms aim to integrate best practices from both traditions; however, uneven resource allocation and institutional inertia have slowed progress, and many polytechnic institutes remain underequipped relative to industry needs.

Mauritania

Colonial Mauritania, which was part of French West Africa, had its first public schools established in the Sénégal River Valley in the late colonial period, with teacher-training centers at Boutilimit in 1950, and Rosso in 1957. These centers intended to staff primary schools rather than deliver vocational skills (Sidelemine, 2023). Colonial ordinances standardized primary education across the Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF) or French West Africa, but offered virtually no technical pathways; most vocational learning occurred informally or through the efforts of missionaries (Pettigrew, 2007). Only after independence did Mauritania formalize its TVET, system bygradually introducing dual-training models inspired by the French Centres de formation d'apprentis to fill gaps left by colonial neglect (Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002). Today, technical institutes still cluster in urban areas, with its curricula often echoing outdated colonial standards. Coordination among stakeholders has remained weak, prompting recent government-led reforms.

Mauritius

The successive French (1715-1810) and British (1810-1968) regimes in Mauritius resulted in the layering of distinct educational policies in the country. French settlers primarily educated elite colonists, while slaves and free communities relied on informal apprenticeships (Prithipaul, 1973). After the abolition of slavery in the country (1835-1839), the British introduced an apprenticeship ordinance that bound ex-slaves to planters and functioned as a form of mandatory vocational training in plantation tasks (Prithipaul, 1973). Formal schools under British rule remained academically oriented (e.g., Royal College Curepipe), while vocational training relied on indentured labor schemes. Only in 1988 did the state centralize vocational training by founding the Industrial and Vocational Training Board (IVTB), marking a shift toward demand-driven, industry-aligned TVET (Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002). Despite these reforms, vocational tracks still struggle for parity with academic routes, and overcoming historical biases against technical education remains central to current policy debates.

In summary, these systems all share certain aspects and features. Both Francophone and Anglophone states faced difficulties dismantling the colonial legacies of their vocational education systems following independence, as these systems were designed to produce low-skilled labor rather than to foster innovation and entrepreneurship, the tenets of which remain visible in their current systems. These factors limited policymakers' effectiveness in addressing contemporary challenges. Thus, these histories and origins of vocational education in these countries may continue to play intervening roles in further understanding why vocational education in these countries and alike struggle to develop responsive policies for specific, local labor market needs.

Furthermore, researchers and policymakers may explore other cultural perspectives to drive policy coalitions toward a pragmatic view of the origins of vocational education. This study builds on studies of vocational education during the colonial era and finds that, given the documented structural issues borne of transforming education post this period, vocational education may have existed in other forms better suited applications in local contexts.

Underfunded institutions and resource scarcity

Numerous African TVET institutions continue to receive insufficient funding, resulting in outdated and deteriorated facilities, equipment, and instructional resources. Colonial funding structures prioritized academic universities and clerical training for administrative elites; upon independence, general education (primary and secondary schooling) continued to receive the majority of state financial allocations. Consequently, vocational colleges and technical institutes have been overlooked for decades by policymakers (Bennell, 2022). A 2021 survey in Ghana revealed that over 60% of TVET workshops in the country lacked functional equipment. Less than 50% of state polytechnics in Kenya were found to possess functional computer laboratories (Oti-Agyen, 2023; Tagoe et al., 2022). These deficiencies in resources hinder students from acquiring practical experience with industry-standard tools and cause educators to frequently struggle to maintain their professional growth due to outdated facilities.

Obsolete or misaligned curricula and pedagogy

Many African TVET systems continue to employ colonial-era frameworks that prioritize manual and artisanal skills over technical sophistication, creativity, or entrepreneurial acumen. In Nigeria, iterations of the 1968 syllabus have persisted with only modest modifications, lacking the incorporation of digital technologies or emerging domains, such as renewable energy (Allen, 2020). Francophone countries such as Benin and Senegal continue to employ vocational curricula derived from 1950s agricultural extension programs—a decision that is mostly misaligned with contemporary market demands (Duke Bryant, 2020). Pedagogical practices across reviewed TVET systems demonstrate inertia: Many educators rely on rote memorization and didactic, teacher-centered strategies rather than learner-centered, competency-based approaches (Powell & McGrath, 2014). A significant disparity between the knowledge acquired by students and the requirements of employers exists, resulting in a substantial number of graduates being unemployed despite large student populations.

Deficiencies in governance and fragmented oversight

Effective TVET requires well-defined governance frameworks that integrate policy, funding, and partnerships with industry. Numerous African nations exhibit fragmented oversight, since their ministries of education, labor, and industry frequently possess overlapping authorities in TVET planning, resulting in task duplication, contradicting standards, and protracted decision-making (Ansah et al., 2025; Ngcwangu, 2015). In Mozambique, for example, the division between the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Labor has resulted in complications regarding accreditation and financial distribution, creating uncertainty for schools regarding reporting protocols and quality assurance (UNESCO, 2012). Furthermore, stakeholder engagement, particularly with private-sector enterprises, remains limited in the fields of curriculum design and skill certification. Due to insufficient sector input, TVET systems struggle to produce graduates with skills aligned with employer requirements. This has resulted in elevated youth unemployment levels despite an increase in program enrollment (Allen, 2020)).

Initiatives at Luban Workshops

China's Luban Workshops are strategic initiatives aimed at addressing deficiencies in resources, curriculum, and pedagogical approaches in TVET systems and act as a response to these enduring challenges. The Luban Workshop initiative was initiated in 2015 and administered by China's Ministry of Education in collaboration with African governments and local universities. The initiative has since established 16 centers throughout 14 African countries (Wang, 2024). Workshops under this initiative involve innovative technologies, specialist teacher training, and updated curricula designed to move students away from colonial-era vocational models to meet the demands of 21st-century enterprises (Zong, 2024).

Addis Ababa Technical College and Tianjin Vocational Technical Normal University collaborated to establish a Luban Workshop in Ethiopia, specializing in electrical engineering and mechatronics. The center features practical laboratories equipped with programmable logic controllers (PLCs), industrial robotics simulators, and renewable energy demonstration units. These instruments were previously unavailable at Ethiopian TVET. The Luban Workshop at Ningbo Vocational Technical College in Benin specializes in agro-processing and food technology. It possesses modern milling machines, quality control laboratories, and systems for cold chain management. Chinese educators collaborate with local instructors at both locations to facilitate mutual learning among students and enhance the quality of instruction.

Luban Workshops further enhance learning experiences by utilizing WorldSkills Competition frameworks, which offer soft-skill courses, such as project management, cross-cultural communication, and entrepreneurship. In 2022, the Accra Technical Training Centre in Ghana hosted a WorldSkills qualification event with technical competitions in Computer Numerical Control (CNC) machining and vehicle maintenance alongside training on collaboration and project pitching (WorldSkills, 2022). This combination goes against colonial norms, which prioritize manual labor above critical thinking and entrepreneurial initiative. Luban Workshops collaborate with private enterprises, including equipment manufacturers and global agribusinesses, to develop curricula that align students' education with employment opportunities that correspond to their acquired abilities.

Although the initiative is still in its preliminary stages, initial evaluations indicate that Luban Workshops graduates have a higher likelihood of securing employment than non-graduates. The Lusaka Luban Workshop in Zambia reported a 68% job placement rate within six months post-graduation, significantly exceeding the national average of 42% for other TVET programs (Luo & Liang, 2024). These findings underscore the necessity of investing in contemporary resources, pertinent curricula, and partnerships with businesses to overcome structural issues that have persisted since the colonial era.

Policy inertia and risk aversion

Colonial authorities established TVET to produce compliant laborers, and post-independence bureaucratic standards have frequently perpetuated similar risk-averse mindsets. Policymakers in postcolonial African countries frequently adopt and maintain colonial-era regulatory structures, fearing that substantial curricular modifications or novel training methods may provoke political backlash or financial instability. In Zimbabwe, efforts to introduce competency-based education in 2008 were obstructed by bureaucratic inertia and cynicism regarding alternative teaching methods (Bhowa & Aribino, 2024). The 2015 TVET reform in Senegal, which intended to incorporate entrepreneurial modules, faced numerous delays due to ministerial changes and divergent objectives among its sponsors. Consequently, the final policy paper primarily constituted a wish list that lacked concrete strategies for implementation (UNESCO, 1996). The absence of policy action hinders substantial reforms, resulting in TVET systems implementing only minor adjustments that perpetuate colonial-era educational structures.

Stigma and societal valuation of TVET

Vocational education in numerous African regions is perceived as a pathway for students unable to secure admission to academic secondary schools. This concept originates from colonial structures that privileged professional, white-collar roles above all else. A 2022 survey in Ghana indicated that 68% of parents perceived vocational colleges as being subordinate to senior high schools—a viewpoint influenced by British colonial narratives (Tagoe et al., 2022). In Kenya, secondary school students often opt into TVET as a last resort after failing university entrance examinations (Oti-Agyen, 2023). This devaluation diminishes the likelihood of enrollment, reduces legislators' willingness to allocate sufficient funds to vocational centers, and discourages experienced educators from pursuing careers in TVET over more prestigious academic positions. Youth unemployment rates have increased despite governments expanding access to TVET, which is perceived as a secondary option rather than a viable career trajectory.

Disparity in resource allocation and geographical divisions

Colonial administrations established vocational infrastructure mostly in urban centers or regions significant for resource extraction, such as mining towns, port cities, and plantation areas. Post-independence, political elites generally perpetuated these trends by allocating limited TVET funding to regions with greater political influence rather than to those in genuine need. The federal-state allocation system in Nigeria has predominantly benefited southern states with robust industrial foundations; in contrast, northern regions, characterized by a significant rural population, have been deprived of adequate resources (Allen, 2020; Lemo & Ehud, 2024). In Francophone West Africa, the majority of TVET investments were directed toward the central highlands of Cameroon. Conversely, the Far North and East regions continued to depend on mission schools that lacked sufficient funding (Duke Bryant, 2020). These inequities exacerbate regional disparities in employment outcomes and incite social discord, as marginalized people perceive the neglect of TVET to be a perpetuation of colonial exploitation.

Governments must intentionally decolonize TVET policy by prioritizing historically marginalized regions, incentivizing skilled educators to work in rural areas, and promoting community control of vocational facilities. Furthermore, continuous media efforts and collaborations between the public and private sectors can encourage perceptions of TVET as a viable and esteemed career trajectory, thereby contesting entrenched colonial notions and restoring vocational careers to their rightful status.